Why Raman Singh

Singh is one of the key BJP chief ministers, serving his third consecutive stint in power. His biggest challenge continues to be the Naxal problem in the state. The Chhattisgarh Police recently said it was planning to carry out air attacks, along with the Air Force, as part of its anti-Maoist operations. Chhattisgarh has been in the news for several scams such as irregularities in PDS.

Ashutosh Bhardwaj: The Naxal problem in Bastar peaked during your government. The police said two people who were recently convicted used to work as a liaison between BJP members and the Naxalites. How do you explain this alleged link between the BJP and the Naxals?

After I became the Chief Minister in 2003, we took two important decisions: first, building infrastructure in order to prepare people against Naxalites; second, having a proper plan in place to fight Naxalites. For this, we emphasised on making properly protected police stations. Earlier, there were few police stations and a smaller police force. The police knew nothing about guerrilla warfare. The police stations used to be looted. So, we increased the strength of the force in each police station from 10 to 100. The force now has new weaponry and new training. Violence happens when you confront. We said, ‘If you (Naxals) come into our area or loot our police stations, we’ll confront you’. We started with confrontation, which is natural. People are surrendering in large numbers, even in Sukma. Home Minister Rajnath Singh went there recently — an unimaginable thing for any minister earlier. Schoolgirls now walk freely on the streets. People want bridges, roads, hospitals, schools.

Ashutosh Bhardwaj: But what about the understanding between the Naxalites and the BJP members at the ground level? That keeps coming up in investigations.

Our policy is to oppose their violence. Someone from the BJP who stays in a village near Naxal-controlled areas is forced to attend a meeting that the whole village is attending. If 10 people don’t go from the village, they will be killed. So people have to go and interact with them, because of fear. Once we remove that fear, the villagers won’t be forced to attend these meetings. The Naxals have weapons and are terrorising people. Some 100 km around police stations, there is no security, so some people are compelled to go. When names (of BJP leaders) appear, we take steps.

Ashutosh Bhardwaj: But names of MPs and MLAs have come up as well.

MPs and MLAs can’t be associated with them. Those who were associated with the Naxalites have been rejected by the people during elections.

MANEESH CHHIBBER: Sometime ago, the CRPF DG had said that Naxals still control 11,000 sq km in Bastar? What are you doing about that?

In that region, 7,000-8,000 sq km have still not been surveyed. There is no police or administration. That area is still unknown. We have started entering it. The area has ration, PDS, but little administration. That will be our last battle. We are going there gradually, we are moving forward, making roads, bridges. We will reach there.

Manoj CG: While a lot of development has taken place in Chhattisgarh, the state has also been in news for corruption. Be it the cooperative bank scam or PDS scam, your name invariably crops up.

Under PDS, we are supposed to provide ration to 60 lakh families. There are 10,000 shops with PDS facility, and none of these is a privately run store. All are in the cooperative sector, with self-help groups, panchayats, samitis. The final distribution has been completely removed from private hands. In the last five years, not even 60 of the total 60 lakh families have complained about not getting ration. We know that ration is reaching at R1 a kg and that tribal areas are getting chana.

NAN (Nagrik Apurti Nigam) is not directly linked to the PDS system, except with regard to rice. And whenever we have checked rice, we have among the best quality in India. In India, we talk about 40% leakages in PDS, in Chhattisgarh, it is not even four per cent. Agencies from all over India have visited our stores and analysed that we have one of the most transparent networks in India. We are going in for second generation (reforms) of PDS. We are giving beneficiaries a smart card which they can use to get ration from any shop. With NAN, there were a lot of investigations, and it even went to court. In the cooperative sector also, a lot of cases keep coming up. If there is a problem, the CM’s name does figure. The Opposition feels if there is a problem, let’s bring in Dr Raman’s name.

Harish Damodaran: Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have increased their foodgrain production because the state governments give farmers bonus for wheat and paddy over and above the Centre’s MSP. While the UPA regime allowed this bonus, it has been stopped ever since the Modi government came to power. What do you feel about this?

First, we focused on production. Then we focused on the bigger challenges — procurement of paddy and distribution. There is a complete chain — purchasing 60 lakh metric tonnes of paddy for R11,000-12,000 crore, making this payment by cheque so that everyone gets money in their accounts within 90 days, and then putting it in the distribution system so that it reaches 60 lakh families. When I first became CM, we used to procure 10-12 lakh tonnes of paddy. Today we’ve reached 60 lakh. Production has increased, irrigation facilities have improved. From 14%, we brought the interest rate to zero per cent. No government in India will give agricultural loan from cooperative banks at zero per cent interest rate. Chhattisgarh is the only state which buys at 100% minimum support price. We also gave bonuses to farmers to increase production. We never got the bonus money from the Centre. The entire money for the bonus is given by the state government from its own budget. It was part of our election promise as well. In the first couple of years, there were problems. We had little resources, so we didn’t give bonus. As for the future, if there is need, if the state’s economic condition is stronger, then we will think about the bonus. We haven’t shut all doors. The UPA government didn’t give us money for the bonus. We used to give it from the state budget earlier and if we give it today, we do that from our own budget.

Harish Damodaran: But the Centre is today saying that if you pay bonus even from your budget, we will not procure the surplus grain from the state. Isn’t this punishment for your efforts in increasing foodgrain production, that too from your party’s government at the Centre?

We did promise during the elections that the bonus will be given. As I said earlier, the UPA government didn’t give us any money for the bonus. We were giving it from the state budget earlier and if we give it today, it will be again from our own budget. We hope to make the Centre agree to this in the coming days. We will continue to talk and have negotiations. The doors for it have not been shut yet.

ASHUTOSH BHARDWAJ: Do you then plan to go against your government on this issue? Because you have already written a couple of letters and there has been no answer.

We will talk and have discussions. We do write letters but we will have talks too.

Maneesh Chhibber: A school textbook in Chhattisgarh recently made news for saying that unemployment has gone up with women joining the workforce. What is your take on this issue? And what are you going to do about that book?

That book was printed in 2006-07 and attracted no one’s attention. It has been removed from the syllabus now. We have decided to review the books to check for anything which can be deceptive. For women’s empowerment, we have taken many big steps. We have 50% reservation for women in panchayati raj, and have the maximum number of active self-help groups which avail loans on three per cent interest rate. Education up to graduation is 100 per cent free for girls born in BPL families. Under the Ladli Beti Yojana, as soon as a girl is born in a BPL family, Rs 5,000 is deposited in her name and by the time she’s 18, there is more than a lakh in her account. Chhattisgarh is number four on sex ratio in the county.

ASHUTOSH BHARDWAJ: Recently, a woman official from one of the government departments in Chhattisgarh accused one of your ministers, who is very close to you, of misbehaving with many women officials. She wrote a letter to you and the governor but got no reply. She has also written to the PM, and has now been suspended.

First, all my ministers are my favourites. In this case, the minister has given an explanation that there was a misunderstanding. He has given in writing saying he had no such intention. We have asked senior officials to discuss the case.

COOMI KAPOOR: A year and a half ago, the BJP used to count you, along with Vasundhara Raje and Shivraj Singh Chouhan, as CMs doing good governance. Now, they don’t.

Modi ji recently went to Dantewada… whenever we sit, he always talks of Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and other states, and how we should give up old practices for good governance, and decentralise power. When the state was formed, we had 16 districts. We made 27 districts and gave them rights and power. To take administration to the lowest level, we take the panchayati raj’s help. Some 500-700 panchayats have been connected to the Internet. In the coming five years, more than 8,000 panchayats will be connected. Earlier, if something happened in Bastar, we would find out after two days. Now, in minutes, we connect with the panchayat head office and get information about any incident that may have happened.

I’m the CM of a poor, backward state with maximum Naxalite issues. We are fighting to the best of our ability. Not everything can be great. Chhattisgarh is mentioned in news only because of Naxalism. Nobody talks about how Chhattisgarh is the first state to treat 5,000-7,000 children under the Bal Hriday Yojana, or how 60,000 families are given rice to reduce malnutrition. In Bastar’s Dantewada, in Sukma, we have schools and libraries for 5,000 children. The Prime Minister was surprised to see Dantewada and Sukma. The efforts are on. We have just started and it will take me almost 10-15 years to take this forward. Some projects are appreciated, some criticised. A CM should be ready for both.

MANOJ CG: Modi spoke about corruption in India in his speech in the US recently. He said someone’s daughter made R100 crore, son made R500 crore, son-in-law made R100 crore. The Congress says that your brother-in-law has been given certain benefits. He was a Class III employee in 2003 and now a general manager. What is the fact?
Just because someone is from the Rajput community, you have made him my relative. He’s an employee in Madhya Pradesh, who was selected in MP. No one becomes a relative merely by calling himself that. Relative is when he is family or a blood relative, not some distant relative.

Ashutosh Bhardwaj: So, a distant relative becomes a GM from a clerk?

He was selected in MP and was working in MP. After Chhattisgarh was formed,  he chose Chhattisgarh. In whichever department he is, they would have promoted him accordingly. This has nothing to do with being anyone’s relative.

Harish Damodaran: Yours is a mineral-producing state, like Jharkhand and Odisha. But now we have seen Vedanta shut down its refinery, even as there has been a steep fall in global prices of steel, aluminium, iron ore and other minerals. How is this going to affect your state and what can the Centre do to help?

There has been a 30-40% dip in the international prices of steel and other metals. It has mainly happened because of China exporting and bringing down international prices, even while demand has fallen because of a global recession. The Chinese have even captured a big share of our market, while the steel plants built here are today operating at 50% of their capacity. We have discussed two solutions with the Finance Minister. The first is safeguard and put anti-dumping duties on imported steel. It used to be four-seven per cent, but it has now been raised to 20%. Even that may not be enough because the Chinese have brought down prices by 40%, as they are selling at below even basic production expense. Secondly, we need to boost domestic demand. When construction activity, roads and the housing sector get stronger, demand for steel and concrete will be generated and production will naturally increase. On our part, we have taken steps like giving plants respite from electricity duty for six months. But on the whole, we have to be prepared for competition in a global market where exports from China are definitely going to present challenges.

Dipankar Ghose: It’s said that the Modi government doesn’t share a good relationship, or has little interaction, with NGOs. In a state like yours, where you yourself say that the government can’t reach everywhere, how is your interaction with the NGOs? What is their participation in the government? In May, the Jagdalpur Legal Aid Group had said that they faced some police threat.
NGOs are involved in a lot of projects, not just in Bastar but in the whole of Chhattisgarh. They are into Swachh Abhiyan, they play an important role in schools, education. In Bastar, where we are working in different areas, they are working in large numbers through various agencies. There is no truth to the charge that NGOs are not being able to work properly.

Ashutosh Bhardwaj: Some years ago, you got the Red Cross removed.
They were running without any permission. To move around in a Naxal area, they didn’t have the required permissions from the Government of India. That is the most unsafe area — Sukma, Dantewada. If people come from outside and are kidnapped, it will become an international issue. If they go with permissions, then there is no problem.

Deeptiman Tiwary: Central forces fighting Naxalism have complained of lack of cooperation from the state police. The former CRPF DG also alleged that some states have a vested interest to keep Naxalism alive. What would you say to that? Also, there was a proposal to create special Naxal forces on the lines of Greyhounds. What steps are you taking to create an anti-Naxal force?

I agree that whether it is the central paramilitary forces, the CRPF or the BSF, their role is limited. Local police must join hands with the Central forces to carry on the fight against Naxals. For this, on the lines of the Greyhounds, we established the Jungle Warfare College. Now, the forces have to take a three-month training to understand jungle warfare and Bastar before going into the field. We are training our police there now. Casualties have come down. Our jawans work with better strategy. People from outside Chhattisgarh also come and train here. This fight will be fought by our jawans and our police. Now there is always a joint operation and that is why the results are better.

Transcribed by Vandana Kalra and Suanshu Khurana