The population census is an activity that dates back to ancient city-states and has a significant profile, even in the most recent times. Perhaps the best example of this is the Census of India 2011, which kicked off on April 1. What makes the current census different from the 14 other decennial censuses conducted since 1881 is the simultaneous preparation of a National Population Register that would identify the usual residents of the country, so that it can be used as a comprehensive identity database to help meet the political objectives of improved targeting of social welfare schemes, and also internal security.
Even though the census is basically a demographic exercise in India, it has been influenced by political developments and has, in turn, heavily impacted national and state politics. While the first such effort in 1861 was postponed due to the dislocations caused by the First War of Independence (the great rebellion of 1857-59), the second one, in 1871, was spread out over two years due to political reasons and financial constraints. Later, the 1921 and 1931 censuses were affected by the non-cooperation movement and sporadic political unrest during the period that curtailed data collection to some extent. Similarly, the 1941 census operations were affected by World War II. In Independent India, too, political disturbances led to the exclusion of Assam from the 1981 census and Jammu and Kashmir from the 1991 census.
In turn, the censuses have also played an even greater role in influencing politics. For instance, census numbers played an important role in two great partitions; first, in Bengal partition, the 1872 census identified the large Muslim population in the state, and then that of India in 1947. Similarly, census data played a prominent role in the linguistic reorganisation of Indian states in 1956 and also in the more recent ones like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttaranchal. Census data also influences the political representation; as the number of elected representatives in the Lok Sabha and state legislatures are apportioned on the basis of the population estimated in the 1971 census so that the states that have curtailed population growth are not disadvantaged.
Apart from politics, the census has also played a prominent role in identifying social and economic trends for almost a century and a half. For instance, the first census in 1872 highlighted how low literacy and social attitudes limited the ability to recall age, as most people preferred to round up the number either to 0 or to 5. In fact, as much as 56% of the reported ages in the 1901 census ended in 0, 2 or 5. And it was the 1871-72 census that first laid bare the extensive prevalence of female infanticide and the highly skewed sex population ratio, especially in the north and west of India.
To understand the great changes in Indian consumption patterns, we need only to take a peep into the census volumes. Highlighting the frugal assets and lifestyles in some Indian households, the 1881 census pointed out that ?as for furniture the Hindoos may said to have none. They have no chairs and tables and chests, nor any of the other things that are seen in the houses of Europeans. Only things they have are boxes or round baskets with covers and locks to keep their clothes and jewels. Even the wealthy Hindoos, who are possessed of hundreds of thousands of rupees, have no more than this?.
The 2001 census shows how asset ownership has been transformed over 130-odd years. While the bicycle was the most popular asset owned by 43% of Indian households in 2001, the second important durable asset was the radio?available in 35.1% of the houses. Next was TV, which had a penetration of 31.6%, followed by scooters, motorcycles and mopeds (11.5%), telephones (9.1%) and cars, jeeps and vans (2.5%). This census also highlighted for the first time that only about a third of the households could avail of banking services.
The 2001 census also provides us with rich insights into the growing mobility of the population. The census defines a migrant in very broad terms and includes all those who are enumerated at a different location than his/her birth place. By this definition, close to a third of the population (300 million) can be labelled as migrants.
However, most of the migration was within states, as 259 million had migrated from their place of birth in one part of their state to another. Of these, as many as 182 million migrants only moved within the districts they were born into, while the remaining 77 million migrated to other districts within the same state. Inter-state migration, which recently caused upheavals in Maharashtra and the Northeastern states, was only 42 million. The 2011 census is bound to shed greater light on the changes that have taken place in the decade of rapid growth that are the 2000s.
p.raghavan@expressindia.com
