By Radhey Tambi
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has reached the US in his first state at the invitation of President Joe Biden and first lady Jill Biden. During talks, discussions will primarily focus over Initiatives on Critical and Emerging Technology and defence cooperation. The former is relatively a newer area of cooperation which comprises quantum computing and artificial intelligence, semiconductors, and others. While defence cooperation between the two predates the cold war era. And today is especially guided by not only the compulsions of the evolving geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific region but also to fulfill the requirements on both sides. However, before counting too much it is important to have a transparent analysis of various highs and lows of India-U.S. defense cooperation.
During the Cold War, India and the U.S. were on the opposite side of the fence. But the leaf was turned with the end of the cold war. First, due to the changed geopolitical scenario and second, due to the growing economic profile of India and the reverberations it created in the Commerce Department of the U.S. about India as a big emerging market. Despite the hiccups due to the nuclear test, India-U.S. ties have indeed travelled a long distance and moved from estrangement to engagement.
Amidst the multidimensional bilateral ties between New Delhi and Washington, defence cooperation constitutes a quintessential aspect of it. The bilateral defense cooperation has become increasingly robust in the last two decades. Beginning with the 2005 defense agreement, which was later renewed and extended for ten years in 2015. India is also considered a pivotal partner for the U.S. in the Indo-Pacific region which was reflected in the 2015 U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean Region under the Obama Administration to deal with the common threat of China in the region. The defense partnership was further elevated by designating India as the Major Defence Partner in 2016. President Trump further reiterated the importance of India in the Indo-Pacific by not only rejuvenating the QUAD but also mentioning strengthening ties with India under the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act. India is also a signatory to all four foundational agreements of the U.S., thereby further deepening and widening the defense ties. In this direction, India’s exemption from Countering America’s Adversaries Through the Sanctions Act (CAATSA) to purchase the S-400 Triumf missile air defense system was a significant step to take the relationship on an upward trajectory.
Despite the above highs in bilateral defense cooperation over the past two decades. The most recent SIPRI report mentions that Russia remains the largest supplier, while France remains the second largest supplier to India. With Moscow contributing nearly half of India’s defense imports even today. On the other hand, the U.S. share is a mere 11%. With India being the most lucrative defense market in the world. What is it that other countries like Russia and France are getting on the table, and the U.S. is not?
The most important is the transfer of technology (TOT). With New Delhi expected to spend around $250 billion USD on defense modernization by 2025, and the laser-like focus of the government on Atmanirbharta or indigenous manufacturing, TOT is the need of the hour. Here Modi’s Make in India campaign finds resonance with America’s quest for a major source of export for its defense industries. TOT is the major impediment that has created differences between New Delhi and Washington which needs to be resolved quickly. Currently, the U.S. has strict restrictions on the transfer of sensitive technology to other countries. With the common desire to build stronger economies and a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region, the trust and confidence need to pierce deeper to really ‘deepen’ the defense ties as mentioned by the US Ambassador to India Eric Garcetti.
Another dimension of defence cooperation that requires keen attention from the U.S. defence industry is the transfer of the most advanced technology. India has never taken China’s name implicitly. However, in its actions and its initiatives, it has always implied its opposition towards the role played by China in the Indo-Pacific region, and more so in the IOR. As compared to the U.S. which has not shunned mentioning China as its peer competitor and a threat out rightly in various official documents like National Security Strategy, National Defense Strategy, and even Indo-Pacific Strategy. To deal with China effectively is one of the long-term goals of the U.S. coming closer to India than ever before. In this context, it will have to provide India with the best of its cards to deal with China which is significantly ahead of New Delhi in terms of technological and military prowess. Some analysts have gone a step ahead in pointing out that the U.S. should go beyond platforms and also indulge in transferring offensive technologies to India.
Finalizing the deal to procure the MQ-9B drones and discussions over 80 percent of the technology transfer in the case of the F-414 engine perhaps for Light Combat Aircraft Tejas MK-II is a step in the right direction. Hope is that the TOT will become a reality with the much-awaited visit of PM Modi and further take the bilateral ties to the zenith. The deal, sealed under the Biden and Modi government will be a big game changer not only for the bilateral ties but also for the next general election in the largest and the oldest democracy in 2024.
The author is Research Associate, Centre for Air Power Studies.
Disclaimer: Views expressed are personal and do not reflect the official position or policy of Financial Express Online. Reproducing this content without permission is prohibited.