The apparent raison d?etre for launching the Nationalist Congress Party was the issue of the so called foreign origin of Sonia Gandhi. But this was not Sharad Pawar?s first revolt in the Congress.

In 1978, he revolted to topple the government led by his own leader, Vasantdada Patil. Patil was the CM of a Congress coalition. The coalition had become inevitable because the party led by Mrs Indira Gandhi had split after her defeat in 1977. There were two Congresses?one led by Mrs Gandhi and the other led by Brahmananda Reddy and Yashwantrao Chavan. Chavan had been Pawar?s mentor from the start of his political career, nearly 45 years ago. Indira Congress and Chavan-Reddy Congress formed the coalition and Mr Patil was the CM.

But Pawar, then about 40 years of age, networked with MLAs of the then Janata Party (which included the Jan Sangh and the socialists) and quietly formed the Progressive Democratic Front (PDF). To everybody?s shock and awe, he led a revolt and toppled Patil?s government. He and many of his associates had thought that Mrs Gandhi would never come back and the Janata Party would be a force in the future. So with the help of Janata-men in the state and with the blessings of Janata government at the centre, he became Maharashtra CM.

It is necessary to remember this context. The point is, even if there was no issue of Sonia Gandhi?s foreign origin, something else would have cropped up (or been invented by Pawar) to revolt. There are several socio-psychological and political reasons for this.

Pawar represents a certain class and caste in Maharashtra: the local Marathi bourgeoisie. This middle level, semi-agricultural and very enterprising community backed by mercantile Mumbai grew in power and prestige after the state was formed.

Chavan and Pawar are both Marathas by caste. The Marathas are predominant in almost all fields, demographically nearing 35%. Ever since Maharashtra came into existence, this caste and class had been in power, often at the cost of other castes. But somehow, their local clout never got translated into a national stake in power.

The Gujarati-Marwari business community, primarily operating from Mumbai, had the economic power and north India had the political power. Political power was believed to be concentrated in the hands of the Nehru-Gandhi family. Though Chavan was defence minister, chosen by Pandit Nehru, and finance, foreign and home minister in Mrs Gandhi?s cabinet, the ?emerging entrepreneurial Maratha class? often felt that their claim for national stature was shadowed by the Nehru-Gandhis.

The opportunity to strike came when Indira Gandhi lost. Pawar?s friends used to openly say in the late seventies that the chief ministership in Maharashtra was the first step towards prime ministership. Of course Chavan was still one of the contenders for the post.

Indeed, he was asked by then President Sanjeeva Reddy to explore the possibility of forming a government at the centre, after the Morarji Desai-led Janata government collapsed. If Indira Gandhi had supported him, he would have been the PM. She did not.

In 1980, when she returned to power, Chavan returned to Congress. He urged even Pawar to come back to the fold. But Pawar?s friends prevailed upon him, that joining Congress again would be an abject surrender. So he stayed back with his own party Congress(S) and continued with the PDF. Mrs Gandhi was killed in 1984. Chavan too died within a month. Nobody believed at the time that Rajiv would come to power with a stunning 400-plus seats. So there were many aspirants even in 1985.

After Rajiv?s magnificent victory, Pawar began to relent and finally joined the mainstream under Rajiv, thinking that his political future would be more secure there. He maneuvered again to become CM in 1988. Yet again, his calculations proved wrong. Within a year, the Congress led by Rajiv lost in 1989 and VP Singh became PM. Pawar began to build bridges with VP Singh. That obviously alarmed the loyal congressmen in the state. They rebelled against him, with obvious support from Rajiv as Congress president.

That rebellion was quelled and he continued to be CM, but a sort of lame duck head of state. The fall of VP Singh?s government, followed by the quick demise of the Chandrashekhar regime forced elections in 1991. Unfortunately, Rajiv was killed even as the campaign was on. In any case, there was considerable bitterness between Rajiv and Pawar. In fact, Pawar had come to believe that he would not be CM once Rajiv formed the government at the Centre.

The situation radically changed after the assassination of Rajiv and Pawar threw his hat in the ring for prime ministership. But he could not mobilise adequate support against Narasimha Rao and had to withdraw. But now he had tasted blood. He was convinced that the PM?s post was within reach and what he needed was the right opportunity and ?killer instinct?. He remained in the Congress from 1991 to 1999. He was almost sure that if the Congress had enough seats in 1998, he, as the leader of the opposition, would be asked to form the government, like Chavan was asked in 1979.

But with the BJP getting 182 seats, that chance vanished into thin air. The second chance came in 1999, when the 13-month old Vajpayee government lost the confidence vote of April 1999. Pawar had worked very hard to defeat the BJP-led government and expected Sonia to recommend his name. When he realised that his name was not on her radar, and she was likely to put in her own claim or recommend Dr Manmohan Singh (now it is known that even then she was to suggest Dr Singh?s name and not put forward her own claim), Pawar was hurt. The opportunity had come for which he had been working since 1978, and he felt ?cheated?. His rebellion in the party required some plank. The plank was already there, with the BJP raising the issue of Sonia?s foreign origin. He realised that there would be yet again an unstable Lok Sabha and well, who knew, even with the BJP?s support he could become PM. So he chose the cause that would be dear to both BJP and SP. This was the grand opportunity to form a national level PDF and become PM.

The latest election results have destroyed his dream for ever. And with an MP of his party facing the murder charge, not only his but his party?s credibility too is at the lowest. As far as credibility is concerned, neither Pawar nor his party ever had it. His image as a capable leader was at odds with his image as a credible leader. He has fallen in that trap again.

?The author is editor of Loksatta