By Mohammad Shahnawaz

The news of Saudi Arabia’s decision to permit its first alcohol shop for foreign diplomats, has garnered significant attention across various media platforms and social media sites. This recent step by Saudi leadership demonstrates their ongoing efforts to transform and implement policies that promote de-Islamisation (or ‘de-Wahhabization’) in Saudi Arabia. As part of his Vision 2030 reform initiative, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, is endeavouring to transform the country’s largest exporter of crude into a thriving centre for business, sports, and tourism, positioning it favourably for the inevitable post-oil era. MBS implemented a series of noteworthy initiatives under the banner of infitah (openness). These measures encompassed the reopening of cinemas, granting women the right to drive, hosting sports competitions such as Formula One, and organizing musical events. The General Entertainment Authority, led by Turki al-Sheikh, organizes these significant events. Turki al-Sheikh is known for his loyalty to MBS.  Further, De-Wahhabization of education has also been introduced. In this regard, Education Minister Ahmad al-Issa’s 2018 decision to discontinue the Tawu’iya al-Islamia (Islamic Awareness) programs marked a watershed moment in Saudi educational history. They were criticized for fuelling extremism among youth and were replaced by the Wa’yî al-fikrî (Intellectual Sensitivity) project, which encourages citizenship and educates young people on the need to be open to different cultures. Furthermore, the government intended to instil critical thinking and philosophy in high schools. These two reform initiatives demonstrate a political commitment to promoting cultural identity and combating fundamentalism in society.

Since its formation, almost a century ago, Saudi Arabia has adhered to the Wahhabi interpretations of Islamic texts and teachings. In the 18th century, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahab, a scholar and theologian, formed an alliance with Muhammad bin Saud, the emir of Dariyah. This alliance played a crucial role in the establishment of the first Saudi state. The ongoing alliance and power-sharing agreement between the two families has persisted. Wahhabi’s interpretation of Islam is often referred to, typically in a critical manner, as Wahhabism. These interpretations have been upheld and enforced by various entities such as the religious police (Sharia police), the Ministry of Education, and a judiciary trained in Sharia law that holds authority over a wide range of issues. As a result, the Saudi state has acquired a distinct religious identity that is unparalleled in the region.

However, under the leadership of MBS, these characteristics have been going through rapid and radical restructuring, perhaps the most far-reaching alterations since its formation a century ago. While criticising the Wahhabis interpretation Islam, during the 90-minute interview with state-owned Rotana TV, MBS stated “When we commit ourselves to follow a certain school or scholar, this means we are deifying human beings.”  He further said that if Wahab had been alive now, he would be the first to object to people “committed blindly to his texts” and closing their minds to interpretation and jurisprudence. Additionally, in an interview with The Atlantic on 3 March 2022, MBS stated that the misinterpretation of hadith has become a significant factor in the division of the Muslim world between extremist and peaceful individuals. “You have tens of thousands of Hadith. And, you know, the massive majority, are not proven and are being used by many people as the way to justify doing what they are doing. For example, Al-Qaeda followers, ISIS followers, they are using Hadith which are very weak, not proven to be true Hadith, to propagate their ideology.” The Crown Prince said.

The Rationale Behind the Reforms

While talking about the rationale behind these reforms, apart from reducing oil dependency, researchers and scholars argue that MBS has established a new model of legitimacy by targeting the urbanized Saudi youth who are well-connected to the world. This demographic is enthusiastic about the modernization efforts carried out by MBS, which aim to create an identity for young people aligned with the values of Vision 2030. Moreover, MBS’s governance involves re-evaluating the social contract and adapting youth to a new work culture, offering them entertainment packages and liberalizing society to better integrate with globalization. Measures such as reopening cinemas, allowing women to drive, and hosting sports and musical events have had a significant impact on the daily lives and imagination of young Saudis. These events are organized by the General Entertainment Authority, chaired by one of MBS’s loyalists. The communication strategy is handled by the Misk Foundation, which promotes Vision 2030 and the values of the “new Arabia.” Textbooks and various tools of influence, including social networks and research centres, are utilized to shape the “ideal citizen” of the Fourth Saudi State.

Impact on South Asia

Researchers argue that due to Saudi Arabia’s prominent role in the Muslim world, other countries in South Asia like Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Maldives tend to align with Saudi policies. Consequently, likely, these states will also adopt de-Islamisation measures. In addition, over 2.4 million Indians reside in Saudi Arabia, contributing not only through financial remittances but also by bringing back ideas and values from Saudi Arabia to their home country, which are referred to as “cultural remittances.”  Therefore, the process of de-Islamisation will also be evident in the households of individuals who have returned from the Gulf. In addition, Saudi Arabia would end its financial support to mosques and religious institutions beyond its borders, as claimed by the Secretary General of the Islamic World League, a body connected to the government, Saudi Arabia has shifted away from its previous approach of promoting globalized Islamic preaching. In an interview with the Swiss daily Le Matin on 19 January 2020, Mohammed bin Abdel Karim al-Issa, former Saudi Minister of Justice, stated that Saudi Arabia would cease its management and funding of mosques and religious institutions beyond its borders.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the transformation under the leadership of MBS in Saudi Arabia is coinciding with the restriction of channels for free expression. The country’s political discourse promotes a strong sense of patriotism and the preservation of national interests. This necessitates the neutralization of those who challenge the choices made by the ruling prince. Several individuals have faced severe consequences for expressing their opinions. Issam al-Zamil, an economist and businessman, was sentenced to 15 years in prison for criticizing the privatization of Saudi oil giant Aramco. Salman al-Awdah, a Muslim scholar was also imprisoned. Feminist activists were arrested for planning to establish an association for victims of domestic violence. They were accused of threatening national stability. These individuals have also faced attacks on social media and by the ruling elite’s media machine. The assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi further tarnished the image of the reformist prince. Finally, a new social contract might not be appreciated by every person. Will the young MBS be able to maintain his authority on his own in the face of future uncertainties?

The author is a doctoral candidate at the Centre for West Asian Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi-25.

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