Bihar Election 2025: Can Congress woo EBCs with ‘Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp’ this year? All about the caste that’s been Bihar’s kingmaker

Bihar Election 2025: The Mahagathbandhan is making fresh attempts to reach out to the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) in Bihar.  The MGB released a 10-point plan called the Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp in September that promises a series of measures aimed at empowering EBC communities. The Congress Working Committee (CWC) meeting in Patna held in September was carefully designed to send this message out. It was held at the historic Sadaqat Ashram, underlining the party’s attempt to reconnect with Bihar’s roots. The move also signalled the Congress’s intent to carve out its own political space in the state, even as it faces pressure from the RJD to project Tejashwi Yadav as the chief ministerial face of the alliance.

Among the key promises made in the EBC-focused plan, announced by Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi Yadav, was a proposal to bring an EBC Atrocities Prevention Act, similar to the SC/ST Act, to address cases of discrimination and violence. The plan also calls for increasing EBC reservation in panchayats and municipal bodies from 20% to 30%, setting aside specific quotas for them in education and government contracts. The MGB also promised to form a  committee which will examine whether caste lists currently underrepresent or overrepresent certain groups.

But why is this EBC outreach by Congress significant? Well, that’s because EBCs, as per the caste census conducted in 2022, constitute about 36% of Bihar’s population. Their identity as a political force dates back to the 1970s, when leaders like Karpoori Thakur pushed for special recognition and policies to uplift them. But, more about that later. 

Why EBCs are the real ‘Kingmakers’ in Bihar Elections 2025 

EBCs are a sub-category within the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), officially identified by the state government. They include castes that are considered even more disadvantaged than the broader OBC group. These are mostly traditional artisan, labour, or service communities such as Hajams (barbers), Sahanis, Nishads and Kevats (fishermen), Lohars (blacksmiths), Telis (oil traders), and Nonias (salt-makers).

The latest caste census conducted in 2022 found that the EBCs constitute about 36% of Bihar’s population, out of which 10% of the Muslim population identified as EBCs. This left the Hindu EBCs which accounted for the rest of 26%, and this is exactly what the biggest voting bloc is in Bihar. 

Even though Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) make up about 36% of Bihar’s population, their political strength is scattered. Their votes are divided among many parties, which stops them from becoming a single powerful vote bank. Instead, they often act as a swing group, giving the edge to whichever alliance manages to win them over through welfare schemes, promises of reservation, or caste-based appeals.

This influence explains why parties like JD(U), RJD, and BJP all focus heavily on EBC outreach. But despite this attention, EBCs have not gained full control over election results, but are instead considered as “kingmakers”. To be clear, “Kingmakers” are communities that may not win the majority of seats themselves but still play a crucial role in favor of one coalition or another. Their support can tilt the balance in close contests, where no single party has a clear majority. In such situations, their votes or backing often decide which party or alliance is able to form the government.

To understand which side EBCs might sway this time, we first need to dig a little deeper in Bihar’s reservation history. 

Digging deeper in Bihar’s reservation history

Bihar was ahead of the rest of India when it came to caste-based reservations, introducing them more than ten years before the Mandal Commission’s recommendations were applied nationally. In 1978, then Chief Minister Karpoori Thakur, who was himself from the EBC community, announced a 26% reservation in government jobs for backward classes.

Under this system, 12% of jobs were reserved for the Most Backward Classes (later called EBCs), 8% for other OBCs, 3% for women, and 3% for economically weaker upper-caste groups. These quotas were based on the Mungeri Lal Commission’s report, which had identified 128 backward communities in Bihar, including 94 that were classified as “most backward.”

From Lalu to Nitish: How Bihar’s EBC quotas grew, and hit a roadblock

In the 1990s, the RJD government increased reservations for the EBCs. Under Lalu Prasad Yadav, it went up to about 14%, and during Rabri Devi’s tenure, it rose to around 18%. In 2006, Nitish Kumar’s government reserved 20% of seats for EBCs in Panchayati Raj institutions – a political move which was hailed by many. Later, these reservations were extended to municipal bodies and several welfare schemes.

In 2023, during the short-lived JD(U)-RJD alliance, the Bihar Assembly passed bills raising total reservations for SCs, STs, OBCs, and EBCs from 50% to 65%, following the caste survey. The EBC quota specifically was increased to 25%. With the existing 10% reservation for the economically weaker sections (EWS), this would have brought the total reservation in government jobs and education to 75%.

However, in June 2024, the Patna High Court struck down these increases, saying they were unconstitutional. The court argued that using population numbers alone was not enough to go beyond the 50% limit set by the Supreme Court in the Indra Sawhney case of 1992.

EBC voting pattern: From RJD base to Swing bloc

Voting Trends in Bihar Elections (1995–2020) as per Lokniti-CSDS post-poll survey

1995: EBCs backed Lalu Prasad Yadav’s social justice campaign after reservation for them increased to 14%. The election became a turning point as backward communities united against upper castes. Voter turnout: 46% (Election Commission).

2000: Lalu’s government continued to get support despite criticism over poor governance. The EBC quota rose to around 18%. According to Lokniti, EBC support fell by 5–10% compared to 1995. Voter turnout: 62.6% (Election Commission).

2005: After years of RJD rule, EBCs began shifting towards Nitish Kumar, drawn by his promises of better governance. This was before the 20% quota in local bodies was introduced. Lokniti’s post-poll study noted that EBCs rejected Yadav dominance and saw Nitish as their new leader. Voter turnout: 44.5% (Election Commission).

2010: Following the 2006 local body quota, EBCs strongly supported Nitish Kumar. Lokniti-CSDS (2010) found that 45–50% of EBCs voted for the JD(U)-BJP alliance. Their backing helped Nitish secure a major victory. Valid votes: 17.8 million; Turnout: 52.4% (Election Commission).

2015: EBCs followed Nitish Kumar’s switch to the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). Lokniti-CSDS (2015) found that most EBCs voted for the alliance, despite earlier anti-RJD sentiment. Voter turnout: 56.8% (Election Commission).

2020: EBC votes were split, some drawn to Tejashwi Yadav’s youth appeal, others (especially women and Kurmis) backed the NDA. Lokniti-CSDS (2020) reported that nearly three-fifths of EBCs supported the NDA, but vote fragmentation weakened Nitish Kumar’s personal influence. Voter turnout: 57.05% (Election Commission).

Nitish’s EBC connection is strong, but is it still? 

EBCs have long been a key support base for Nitish Kumar and his party, the JD(U). Much of this loyalty comes from Kumar’s decision to give 20% reservation to EBCs in panchayats and urban local bodies, building on earlier efforts by Karpoori Thakur.

This move earned him goodwill among EBC communities and helped the JD(U) dominate constituencies where EBCs are the majority.

Studies of voting behaviour by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS)-Lokniti, including its National Election Study (NES) 2024 Post-Poll Survey and the 2020 Bihar Assembly Election Post-Poll Survey, show a clear trend. For years, EBCs largely backed Nitish Kumar’s JD(U), mainly because of his push to break down the OBC category into smaller groups that gave them greater visibility. But this loyalty is no longer as strong. 

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the NDA saw a drop of more than 10% in EBC support in states like Bihar, with many voters shifting towards opposition alliances.

The 2023 Bihar caste survey further strengthened demands for quotas that specifically benefit EBCs. Yet, even as the 2025 Assembly elections approach, no major policy change has been made to turn these demands into real political power for the community.