Whose BJP is it anyway?

With Lal Krishna Advani taking over as the BJP legislative party chairman, Sushma Swaraj as leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Arun Jaitley continuing as leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, and Nitin Gadkari as BJP president, the generational shift in the BJP is, at last, accomplished. Many are tempted to see a neat division between the legislative party and the organisation, with Advani, aided by the Sushma-Jaitley duo, looking after the former, and Gadkari taking charge of the latter, as per the directives of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. This, however, would be a simplistic analysis of the jigsaw puzzle that the BJP-in-transition has come to resemble.

The last one year has been one of the most dramatic in terms of twists and turns for the BJP. Advani?s candidature as the NDA?s Prime Ministerial candidate, Bhagwat?s elevation as the RSS chief, and the intensely personalised turf war between the party?s second-generation leaders were the key issues that affected the BJP-RSS.

Advani was instrumental in nominating Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Ministerial candidate at a party meet in Mumbai in 1995, for he knew that Vajpayee was the only leader in the entire party capable of getting ?BJP plus? votes. It was Advani, again, who often acted as a cushion against RSS pressure tactics on the party (and the NDA government) under Vajpayee?s leadership.

But when Advani stepped into Vajpayee?s shoes, there was hardly anyone by his side to stave off the RSS pressure on various counts. To make matters worse, Advani?s Prime Ministerial campaign was marred by an unending turf war between the dominant factions. Through the entire Lok Sabha campaign, the BJP fought two battles?one with the rival alliance, another with itself.

It was around this time that Bhagwat was elevated as the RSS chief. In his first few interventions, citing the examples of APJ Abdul Kalam and Varghese Kurien, Bhagwat spoke of ?Hindutva being a liberal worldview?. However, with infighting in the BJP showing no signs of abating, and Advani?s authority being severely compromised in the process, Bhagwat, assumed a greater political role in the later weeks.

Advani?s views on the RSS and the BJP-RSS dynamics were always known. Prior to the Lok Sabha campaign, at a meeting of RSS leaders (including Bhagwat) and Advani at the latter?s residence, it was decided that the BJP?s?and by logical extension, Advani?s?would be the last word in organisational matters of the BJP. With a free-for-all in the BJP, a series of meetings between Bhagwat and Advani meant that the RSS-BJP dynamic was re-worked and the autonomy of the BJP compromised. In a sense, it was a backward march in the evolution of the BJP. Advani and Bhagwat, however, agreed that the ?unity of purpose of the party cannot be compromised, no matter what?.

The battle for the BJP?s autonomy will continue in the weeks to come. So will the unending factional feuding in the party, though its contours would now change. With Sushma and Jaitley leading the Opposition ranks in the two Houses, the battle may even translate into one between the two Houses. They will have to reckon with Narendra Modi?s ?Gujarat model?, often described in the party as worthy of emulation. While Jaitley would try to make common cause with Modi, Sushma could tie up with others. Gadkari is likely to follow his low-key, no-nonsense, take-everybody-on-board strategy that is likely to bring a semblance of order in the party. An RSS pedigree, and particularly his proximity to Bhagwat, would be an asset for Gadkari, but that won?t hamper his ties with Advani who had readily agreed to his candidature for the BJP president?s post after Modi refused to take up the top party job.

The coming weeks, and months, will be crucial for Advani. Ironically, after leading an unsuccessful Lok Sabha campaign, he?s now uniquely placed to bring about changes in the party, both in the legislative wing and in the organisation, by his sheer stature and his contribution in building the party.

At one point, his apparent reluctance to give up the leader of Opposition position after the election debacle appeared to have gone against him. Now, with the party and legislative wings reduced to a conglomerate of splinter wings, his presence as the family patriarch would be more of a necessity. While it remains to be seen if there?s any let up in Bhagwat?s overt political interventions, the BJP will be entering what could be one of the most crucial years in its political evolution in 2010.