Union Home Minister Amit Shah has set a clear timeline for one of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) longest-standing ideological goals. Speaking at an event in Mumbai on September 13, Shah said the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) will be implemented in all 21 states governed by the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections.

“We have introduced the Uniform Civil Code in several states and I am confident that in the 21 BJP-NDA ruled states, we will introduce the UCC before 2029,” Shah said, linking the push for a common civil law to the party’s broader agenda of social reform and national security.

Why the state route, and not a national law?

Marriage, divorce, adoption, wills, succession and joint family matters fall under Entry 5 of the Concurrent List of the Constitution. This means both Parliament and state legislatures can make laws on these subjects, The Indian Express reports. However, the political logic is as important as the constitutional one.

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A single national UCC would have to reconcile enormous variations in personal laws and customary practices, especially among tribal communities and in the Northeast. BJP and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) sources flagged this concern in 2023, noting that tribal communities in Uttarakhand or Himachal Pradesh have very different practices from those in Chhattisgarh or the Northeast, the report added.

By going state-wise, the BJP can:

  • Test different models in different social contexts
  • Accommodate local customs and exemptions, particularly for Scheduled Tribes (STs)
  • Demonstrate implementation without first confronting the full political and constitutional complexity of a nationwide law
  • Keep the UCC politically relevant while presenting it as a measure of equal rights and social reform

Four states, four different models: How BJP-ruled states are shaping the UCC

Four BJP-ruled states—Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Assam and Madhya Pradesh—have so far passed UCC legislation, though only Uttarakhand has brought its law into force. Uttarakhand implemented its UCC in January 2025, introducing common rules on marriage, divorce, inheritance and succession, banning polygamy and making marriage registration mandatory.

Its most distinctive provision is the regulation of live-in relationships as couples must register both the start and end of such relationships, and children born from them are recognised as legitimate.

Gujarat, which passed its UCC Bill in March 2026, largely follows the Uttarakhand template. Its law covers marriage, divorce, succession and live-in relationships, prohibits bigamy and requires compulsory registration of live-in unions.

Assam, which passed its Bill in May 2026, adopts a similar approach, dealing with marriage, divorce, succession and live-ins, banning polygamy and making live-in registration mandatory.

Madhya Pradesh, whose Bill was passed in July 2026, goes a step further by additionally covering adoption and including specific provisions related to triple talaq and nikah halala. Like the other three states, it mandates registration of live-in relationships and prohibits polygamy. While the broad architecture of the four laws is similar, each state has introduced variations to address local priorities and political considerations.

A important common feature across all four codes is the exclusion of Scheduled Tribes, with Uttarakhand also exempting certain communities protected by constitutional customary-law provisions.

Maharashtra’s position on UCC: Committee first, law later

Maharashtra, another BJP-ruled state, has not yet passed a UCC Bill. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said that the state government has already constituted a committee to prepare the Uniform Civil Code and that the law will be implemented after the committee submits its report.

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“Look, the Maharashtra government has already formed a committee to prepare the Uniform Civil Code. The committee is working, and I believe that once the committee submits its report, we will implement it soon,” Fadnavis told media on September 14.

His remarks came a day after Amit Shah’s 2029 deadline for all 21 NDA-ruled states. Maharashtra’s committee route suggests the state is moving cautiously, likely to study the Uttarakhand, Gujarat, Assam and Madhya Pradesh models and assess local implications before drafting its own version.

Opposition and allies: Scepticism and calls for consensus

Opposition parties have generally questioned whether the BJP’s UCC is genuinely a gender-equality reform or an attempt to alter the personal laws of minorities through a majoritarian framework. The Congress opposed the Gujarat Bill as “anti-Muslim”, while in Madhya Pradesh it criticised the legislation as part of an RSS agenda.

Opposition parties in Assam also sought wider consultation and raised concerns over the tribal exemption and regulation of live-in relationships.

The issue is more complicated for the BJP’s NDA allies. The JD-U has consistently said it is not opposed to the UCC but wants it to emerge through consensus rather than being imposed. As per The Indian Express report, Nitish Kumar had told the Law Commission that a UCC should respect India’s delicate balance between different religious and ethnic groups.

The TDP has similarly called for discussion and consensus and, in 2024, said it would ensure that Muslim interests were protected.

“UCC not for equality, aimed at targeting 18 crore Muslims”: Asaduddin Owaisi

The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) chief Asaduddin Owaisi launched a sharp attack on Shah and the BJP, asserting that the push for the UCC is not intended to bring equality but is designed solely to target India’s 18 crore Muslims.

“First, you need to understand that the BJP is not pursuing the UCC for the sake of equality. They have introduced the UCC in their states and at the government level solely to target India’s 18 crore Muslims; in doing so, the BJP and Amit Shah are acting in contravention of Articles 25 (Freedom of Religion), 14 (Right to Equality), 26, and 29 of the Indian Constitution,” Owaisi told reporters.

He emphasised that the foundation of the country rests on diversity and cited the 21st Law Commission’s 2018 consultation paper, which said a UCC was “neither necessary nor desirable at this stage”.

“Secondly, the very soul and spirit of this country is pluralism. Thirdly, Amit Shah, the BJP, and the RSS are attempting to impose Hindu law upon non-Hindus. Fourthly, the Law Commission—constituted by the Modi government itself—stated in its report that the UCC is neither necessary nor desirable for India,” Owaisi said.

He also pointed to state-level laws such as the Disturbed Areas Act and anti-conversion legislation in BJP-ruled states, asking: “Why do you have the ‘Disturbed Areas Act’ in your states, which prevents a Hindu from selling their property to a Muslim? And why do you have laws regarding ‘Love Jihad’?”

Owaisi challenged the BJP to implement its UCC model in Goa, which already has a form of common civil code dating back to the Portuguese era, but with community-specific exemptions.

“Elections are approaching in Goa. I challenge Amit Shah, the BJP, and the RSS: go ahead and implement the UCC there… If Amit Shah talks about ‘understanding the chronology,’ then let me tell you—stand in Goa and declare that you will implement the same UCC law there that you introduced in Uttarakhand, Gujarat, and Assam. Will you actually implement it in Goa? Go ahead and do it—but you won’t,” he said.

Citing specific provisions from the existing Goa Civil Code, Owaisi noted exemptions for Hindus and Catholics on second marriages and divorces, asking why the BJP does not speak on these existing legal variations.

Constitutional basis and Law Commission’s view

Article 44 of the Constitution says, “The State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.” But it is part of the Directive Principles of State Policy, not the Fundamental Rights. Under Article 37, the Directive Principles are fundamental to governance but are not enforceable by any court.

The debate, thus, is about what should be made uniform and how that uniformity should be reconciled with freedom of religion, customary practices and constitutional protections for tribal communities. The Constituent Assembly itself had no consensus on what a UCC would entail, which was among the reasons it was placed among the Directive Principles.

The 21st Law Commission, in its 2018 Consultation Paper on Reform of Family Law, said a UCC was “neither necessary nor desirable at this stage”. It argued instead for reforming discriminatory provisions across personal laws while preserving India’s diversity. Its emphasis was on achieving “equality within communities” between men and women rather than “equality between” communities, and on making piecemeal changes rather than imposing absolute uniformity.

The 22nd Law Commission reopened the issue in 2023, seeking fresh views from the public and recognised religious organisations. It said more than three years had elapsed since the 2018 consultation and that developments, including court orders, warranted a fresh examination.

UCC as part of BJP’s broader ideological agenda

The UCC is a key unfinished item among the BJP’s longstanding ideological objectives, which included the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya and the abrogation of Article 370, both now achieved. The BJP has endorsed the UCC for a long time. Shah himself, after Gujarat passed its UCC Bill in March, said having one law for every citizen had been a commitment of the party “since its inception”.

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The UCC is rooted in RSS thought, although the organisation’s approach has been more cautious on the manner and timing of implementation. In 2023, when the Modi government first made UCC a major political issue, RSS sources told The Indian Express that it required deeper study and wider consultation because it affected every section of society. The Sangh’s preference was for BJP-ruled states to enact their own codes first, with the Centre potentially considering an overarching law later.

In March 2024, RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale welcomed the Uttarakhand model and said it should be studied and implemented across the country, while stressing wide consultation.

Shah’s 2029 formulation therefore turns what was a state-first strategy into a time-bound political programme, with clear electoral implications ahead of the next general election.

Linking UCC to national security and governance

In his Mumbai speech, Shah also linked the UCC push to broader themes of national security and governance under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. “Operations such as the surgical strikes, air strikes, and Operation Sindoor have established a policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism, while security has been prioritised across various sectors,” Shah said, referring to cross-border military actions and internal security operations.

He cautioned against demanding public disclosures on classified border negotiations with China over the Line of Actual Control, saying, “We also interact with the public; they have full faith, but there are sensitive matters where disclosing details openly serves neither the national interest nor the Army’s interest.”

Based on multiple news reports, by tying the UCC to national security, social reform and the BJP’s broader governance narrative, the Home Minister is positioning the common civil code not just as a legal reform but as a defining political goal for the party before 2029.