President Donald Trump often seems to be caught between his ideological desire to rewrite America\u2019s trade relationship with China and a businessman\u2019s instinct to cut a deal. And with Tuesday\u2019s midterm elections looming and financial markets coming off a rough October, the deal-maker appears to have the upper hand. \u201cWe\u2019ll make a deal with China, and I think it will be a very fair deal for everybody,\u201d Trump told reporters on Friday after asking aides the day before to begin drafting ideas for an agreement to take to his planned meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Group of 20 summit in Argentina Nov. 30 to Dec. 1. The two sides are \u201cgetting much closer to doing something,\u201d he said. Still, to satisfy Trump\u2019s own inner ideologue - and the China hawks in his administration - that \u201csomething\u201d is going to have to hang on substance. And that\u2019s where things are likely to get complicated. Temporary Truce Xi may fill out the picture on Monday when he is due to address a trade fair in Shanghai. Analysts familiar with White House discussions, however, say any deal struck at the G-20 is likely to take the form more of a temporary truce than anything that will bring a final peace in the trade wars. Such a ceasefire could, they said, see a commitment to forgo additional tariffs, and possibly even to remove some, while high-level officials negotiate a broader pact. Any of those things would in the current context be a significant achievement and be welcomed by markets. But they would also leave Beijing and Washington facing arduous negotiations ahead, as one senior administration official indicated on Friday. \u201cIf there\u2019s goodwill and agreement, at least personal agreement between the two presidents of the two biggest economies, we\u2019ll move forward after it and try to work with the Chinese on details,\u201d Larry Kudlow, the head of Trump\u2019s National Economic Council, told a conference in Chicago. But even if conversations go well between Trump and Xi in Buenos Aires, Kudlow said, \u201cit will still be a long, tough process.\u201d The reason for that, analysts argue, is that the structural and economic complaints Washington has with Beijing are far more consequential than those the U.S. is confronting with any other trading partner. If anything, the Trump administration has also been embarking on a more confrontational path with China of late, with recent speeches and comments by officials such as Vice President Mike Pence causing rumblings of a new Cold War. \u201cThe distance between a leaders\u2019 statement that they would like to work something out and would like to make some progress and actually reaching a deal is ginormous,\u201d said Scott Kennedy, an expert on U.S.-China relations at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. \u2018Economic Aggression\u2019 As the diplomacy sputters along, the economic evidence Trump uses to support his case for a domestic audience is mounting. U.S. Commerce Department data released Friday showed the U.S. goods-trade gap with China has continued to rise, hitting $301 billion in the first nine months of 2018. That\u2019s an increase of almost 10 percent from the same period last year. That is almost three times the deficit with the European Union and six times the size of the imbalance with Japan, two other economies the Trump administration is now embarking on trade talks with. The Trump administration has also repeatedly labeled industrial policies such as Beijing\u2019s \u201cMade in China 2025\u201d plan to lead the world in areas such as robotics acts of \u201ceconomic aggression\u201d meant to undermine America\u2019s place in the global economy. Abandoning - or even weakening - the state subsidies and other incentives behind that plan is a concession Xi is unlikely to make, analysts said. Likewise, leadership in Beijing is unlikely to respond favorably to U.S. demands for it to dismantle the network of state-owned firms that control much of the Chinese economy. Intellectual Property One possible area of progress is protecting intellectual property, with Beijing potentially agreeing to do more to rein in hackers or to cooperate with U.S. authorities who have intensified a crackdown on Chinese theft of trade secrets. Washington this week restricted U.S. businesses from selling to China\u2019s Fujian Jinhua Integrated Circuit Co., saying the chipmaker poses a threat to national security. Last month it secured the extradition from Belgium of a Chinese agent accused of stealing trade secrets from companies including General Electric Co. But making the sort of meaningful long-term changes to Chinese economic policy that Washington has been demanding is likely to be far more difficult for Beijing, analysts said. \u201cIt is difficult to see what sort of commitments China could credibly make to address concerns that the U.S. has about a host of complicated issues\u201d like how to address \u201cMade in China 2025,\u201d said Eswar Prasad, a former China expert at the International Monetary Fund who is now at Cornell University. Yet \u201chardline members of Trump\u2019s administration see these as existential issues in the long-term economic conflict between the U.S. and China.\u201d Chinese analysts, meanwhile, say officials in Beijing continue to feel burned by their past experience in dealing with the Trump administration, which as recently as May appeared close to another deal with Beijing. Zhou Xiaoming, a former commerce ministry official and diplomat, said one fear in Beijing was that the Trump administration would continue to demand changes that Xi could never agree to. If China can\u2019t meet those demands, the U.S. \u201cwill kick the ball back to China and hold China accountable for the fruitless negotiations,\u201d Zhou said. The market declines have also left Berkshire\u2019s shares below the price where Buffett bought them back, leading some investors to think he could dwarf the third quarter\u2019s total in the final three months of the year - despite his feelings on buybacks.