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Preaching that the densely-populated country could not absorb any more foreigners, Fortuyn rose to prominence in 2002 when his party came from nowhere to win control of Rotterdam council.
He was shot dead by an animal-rights activist shortly before a national election in May 2002 in which his party came second, but other politicians have taken up his mantra with gusto.
Geert Wilders, a member of parliament seen as an heir to Fortuyn, wants a five-year ban on building new mosques and Muslim schools and a halt to "non-Western" immigration.
"If this trend continues in May 2007, our country will be in the stranglehold of left-wing and centre-left coalitions which will undoubtedly return to a policy of irresponsible multiculturalism," he said in his manifesto.
Marianne Vorthoren, 27, a Dutchwoman who converted to Islam, said the Rotterdam mosque and election showed that Muslims were putting down roots.
"It's a shame that people are saying that immigrants have voted rather than saying they are participating as citizens in this country," said Vorthoren, who works for the SPIOR umbrella organisation of Muslim organisations in Rotterdam.
"It's a good illustration of how the debate has changed, from it being a sign of emancipation for Muslims to have their own place of worship, to now being seen as a sign of failing integration."
MINIMUM INCOME
Between 2002 and 2006, Fortuyn's party Liveable Rotterdam is accused of doing all it could to make immigrants feel unwelcome in the city, clamping down on benefit fraud and setting a minimum income for access to housing in rundown areas.
Liveable Rotterdam leader Marco Pastors fought the Arab design of the new mosque for 1,200 worshippers and its planned 50-metre (160-ft) minarets, higher than nearby Feyenoord stadium.
When polls ahead of the March vote put Liveable behind, even Pastors felt the need to apologise for criticising Muslims.
The ruling Christian Democrats (CDA) have also tried to court immigrant voters -- with little success.
The Party for Immigrant Dutch was launched in March in a bid for seats in the 2007 election, although analysts say single-issue parties have had little success in the past and Labour is likely to continue to be the natural political home for newcomers.
A study by the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies at Amsterdam University showed that about 80 percent of immigrants voted for Labour in March, with the trend more pronounced in Rotterdam and Amsterdam, where Labour's Moroccan-born deputy mayor Ahmed Aboutaleb helped attract thousands of extra votes.
"We think the right-wing policies of the government have a lot to do with it. It was also a vote against Immigration Minister Rita Verdonk," said the institute's Anja van Heelsum.
Verdonk has championed the kind of tough immigration policies once advocated by Fortuyn, including plans to expel 26,000 unsuccessful asylum seekers and strict new language and culture tests for potential new arrivals.
This approach seems to play well with white voters and helped her VVD party overtake its CDA coalition partners in polls.
The turbulence that Fortuyn's rise triggered in Dutch politics, once ruled by consensus, looks set to rage on.
"After the white middle finger in 2002, we are now seeing the black middle finger of 2006," Paul Scheffer, Amsterdam University professor of urban sociology, wrote in an article.
"What we must avoid is a relapse into the multicultural dream of yesteryear, because the problems haven't gone away."
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