The caste clashes are reported from many states yet cases of violence have been taking place mostly in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Why? The answer lies in the socio-economic structure of these two states.

The nature of caste conflict varies from region to region within the same district. In some regions of a district, the Bhumihars and Rajputs rivalry has reached its peak. In some other places, there is conflict between Rajputs and intermediate castes like Yadavas, Kurmis and Koiries and in some other regions Yadavas, Koiries, Kurmis and Scheduled Castes are engaged in a life-long caste battle.

The incidents of caste violence in Allahabad, Fatehpur, Varanasi, Bhagalpur, Kanpur and Meerut show that while the struggle between the upper and lower castes is mostly confined to political and electoral arena, the caste tensions between the intermediate and scheduled castes are mainly due to the questions of proper share of wages, land holdings and crops. Caste riots in UP and Bihar are more acute in those areas where social deprivation is related to economic deprivation and where scheduled castes are asserting their rights.

Because of Mandalisation, the pattern of interaction between the upper castes and the backward (intermediate) castes underwent a significant change. The backward (intermediate) castes began displaying their dominance over decision making.

They became conscious of their numerical strength and political rights. This was opposed by the upper castes and consequently followed by violent caste clashes. Thus, reservation and political dominance became the two critical issues responsible for mounting caste tensions.

The Mandal Report adversely affected upper castes such as the Brahmins, Rajputs, Bhumihars and Kayasthas. This was followed by caste riots, looting, burning of public properties and self-immolations by youth in various parts of UP. Yadavs, Kurmis and Koeris organised counter-demonstration. The Mandal backlash had generated deep hatred and jealousy between the upper and backward castes.

Shortly after the BSP-SP alliance came to power, a proposal was put forward by the Dalit Panther group for the installation of Ambedkar's statue in almost every village of various districts. While on paper, this made perfect sense; but powerful castes such as Yadavs and Rajputs did not want to give land for this purpose.

This led to severe clashes between Yadavs and scheduled castes, and in certain areas, between Rajputs and scheduled castes. Ironically, both the Yadavs and scheduled castes were supporters of the BSP-SP government. But it was merely a marriage of convenience and political polarisation against upper castes.

They were one only during election, but otherwise, against each other. The recruitment process for the Provincial Armed Constabulary and the state police in 1994 came under severe criticism from various quarters.This caused a lot of resentment among the non-Yadav bureaucrats, politicians and local population. Thus, the caste tensions which were confined to the rural areas became clearly visible among the members of administrative and police services.

In the post-independence period, three factors have contributed considerably to caste violence activities in UP. These are: (i) socio-economic change arising from upward mobility of the scheduled castes and backwards among the intermediary castes; (ii) concentration of land in the hands of a few belonging to either upper castes or the neo-landlords from Yadavs, Kurmis and Lodhs; and (iii) political and economic interest of powerful syndicates and political parties who have been using caste to divide people. The breakdown of BSP-SP alliance had led to an explosive situation in UP.

Whatever the verdicts of various caste clashes may be, we are confronted with dual standards in a state of different realities. Disparities exist within castes as well as between castes. There are shades of opinion as well as discrepancy in experience.

The writer is on the faculty of the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

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