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Re-learning lessons of the nineties
Where is the spirit
of change today?
Saumitra Chaudhuri
Ten years back this day, with the economic reforms barely
six months old, how many people believed that India could
actually grow at seven per cent per annum for three years
in a row? That six per cent growth would come to cause dissatisfaction?
I doubt that there was anybody who would have even dared to
dream as much. But we did cross the bar of seven per cent.
And without a fiscal stimulus, no thank you; without running
up unsustainable levels of current account deficits; without
floating on a flood of foreign investment. It was largely
a domestic effort, achieved in the midst of much cleaning
of the Aegean stables in the banking sector and the first
serious attempt to reign in the runaway fiscal horse. So,
what was the agent of growth? Unlocking the forces of enterprise,
of the market and of competition.
Sure, many of the new manufacturing investments
were not particularly well conceived. They were configured
in the style of the late seventies and early eighties, not
the commodity economics of the late eighties and early nineties.
As Indian households poured their savings into the equity
market, cheap financing from overpriced public offerings enabled
companies to obtain leveraged finance to venture into fields
well beyond their abilities. One can find many faults in the
process, but it would be foolish to lose sight of the fact
that Indian business did come of age in the period. Many Indian
companies — some of them little known in the eighties — flourished
in the cut and thrust of a globally competitive market. And
this list extends beyond the Infosys’ and Wipros of the world.
In one short decade, Indian business has made a big leap from
queuing at the perennial durbar of Udyog Bhawan, to seeing
themselves as players governed by the economics of producers
in distant lands and opportunities in faraway markets, just
as much as those at home.
In all learning, expensive mistakes are made. And these have
to be paid for — not accumulated as non-performing loans in
public sector financial institutions and banks. The quicker
and the more dispassionate the loan workout, the better. But
in the land of the Holy Cow, there are too many bovines that
may not be touched, and the restructuring of these bad assets
has not happened. Had Enron been an Indian company, it would
have surely taken thirty years, not thirty days, for it to
go bust. This foot-dragging certainly is not in the spirit
of the reforms of the 1991-93 period. Surely otherwise, the
de-licensing would have been subject to ad hoc interpretation
of a committee and the prudential norms imposed in the banking
sector would be subject to flexible adaptation at the instance
of government or a Parliamentary standing committee.
What stands out as the big difference between policy in the
early nineties and that in the latter part of the decade and
currently, is the attitude to discretion. The economic reforms
drew their strength from the abandonment of the most coveted
prize of state power — discretion. That is, the ability to
interpret the rules and, thereby, effectively recast them.
Private business and the market never gels with such shifting
lines in the sand, we know that. But there is an even more
debilitating characteristic of such exercise of state power:
it is over-cleverness. The apparatus of the State, in so far
as it concentrates power, is eternally short on humility.
In the arena of economics it is always convinced that it can
do better than the “dumb” market, run as it is by such a crass
bunch of money-grubbers.
So for the past several years, the ritualistic offerings at
the altar of reforms have been negated by the reinsertion
of discretionary state intervention in policy design and intervention.
Is it such a surprise that more than five years after the
central and all the state governments committed themselves
to cleaning up the mess in the power sector, things continue
to be as bad as before, if not worse? The losses of the public
electricity sector are estimated to be over 1.5 per cent of
the gross domestic product. Please add that to the fiscal
deficit. As also, the cost of the ridiculous system of grain
procurement that has created a 62 million tonne grain mountain
funded from the banking system.
What is lacking in the letter of reform today, is its true
spirit. One of the few places it still can be seen at work
is in the efforts of the department of disinvestment, which
has succeeded in flogging more public assets than was done
through long years of pious statements. And done despite the
loud wailing and mourning from both side of the Parliamentary
aisle. One can only hope that if a part of government has
got things right, others might just follow suit in the not
so distant future.
Saumitra Chaudhuri is economic advisor to ICRA (Investment
Information and Credit Rating Agency) and editor of Money
and Finance, the ICRA bulletin
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