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The
pipeline is no longer a pipedream
Indian and
Iranian moves reduce Pakistan’s relevance to the project
Sanjaya Baru
Ever since the idea of a Iran-India oil and gas pipeline idea was
mooted the project has been hostage to India-Pakistan bilateral
relations because the pipeline would have to come through Pakistani
territory. The latest round of talks between Iranian and Indian
foreign ministry officials, this week in New Delhi, has helped reduce
Pakistan’s relevance for the project. After dragging its feet on
the idea of an underwater offshore pipeline Iran has moved closer
to conceding its technical and financial feasibility. India and
Iran have agreed to commission a feasibility report for an underwater
pipeline.
Iran has also shifted its stance from insisting on a trilateral
agreement involving Pakistan to agreeing to a bilateral agreement
with India, taking upon itself the responsibility of entering into
a parallel bilateral agreement with Pakistan if the land route is
to be taken up. The ball is now squarely in Pakistan’s court. If
it wants to be a party to this project and would like to earn the
rentals from a land-based pipeline, varyingly estimated at between
$200 million to $1bn per year, it will be welcomed to give the required
assurances of security so that India can agree to a land-based pipeline.
If Pakistani assurances and guarantees are not convincing, India
will go ahead with the underwater pipeline. The extra cost of the
underwater pipeline is matched by the payment India would make to
Pakistan for a land-based pipeline and the insurance cost of a more
risky route. Iran and India have agreed to sanction feasibility
studies for both the underwater and land-based pipelines. Preliminary
studies show that from India’s point of view there isn’t much difference
between the two if all the direct and indirect costs are factored
into both projects.
It is not yet clear, however, if the government is as yet ready
to talk to Pakistan about the project. While the agenda for the
Vajpayee-Musharraf talks next month has not yet been drawn up, the
government is still not clear whether the matter will be discussed.
It would depend very much on what kind of assurances Pakistan is
willing to give pertaining to the security of such a pipeline.
Indeed, this is linked to the larger question of credible assurances
by Pakistan to India on the entire issue of its support for anti-India
terrorism. Unless General Pervez Musharraf carries conviction on
his government’s sincerity to stop aiding and abetting anti-India
terrorist activity and the support to the “Jehadi” forces in Pakistan
and Afghanistan, and their cross-border activity in Kashmir, the
Indian government is not going to take the former’s assurances on
the safety and security of the oil pipeline very seriously.
For its part, Pakistan is keen on pursuing the land-based pipeline
proposal. As Pakistan sees it, progress on such a project will enhance
its international credibility as a destination for foreign investment.
If India is willing to put its money in an oil pipeline coming through
Pakistan then what objection can other foreign investors have to
investing in Pakistan? India’s green signal for a land-based pipeline
will increase Pakistan’s rating with foreign investors and its debtors.
It will also help alter Pakistan’s image as a land infested by gun-toting
“Jehadis” ready to bomb out any property belonging to infidels.
Pakistan’s interest in the land-based pipeline is reflected both
in recent media reports from Pakistan on how this project could
come up for discussion at the Vajpayee-Musharraf summit, and in
more definitive pronouncements by Pakistan’s energy policy experts.
At a seminar in New Delhi a few months back, Mr Hilal Raza, director-general,
Hydrocarbon Development Institute of Pakistan, declared, “Given
the relations between India and Pakistan, energy cooperation and
trade seems one of the biggest confidence-building measures for
peace between the two countries...Pakistan is willing to meet the
legitimate concerns of India about the security of energy supplies
from a trans-boundary pipeline, but these have to be brought out
clearly in order to be resolved.”
Mr Raza’s paper, entitled “Potential and Prospects of Trade and
Cooperation in Oil and Gas Sector Between India and Pakistan”, states
that studies conducted to examine the techno-economic options of
importing natural gas by India and Pakistan, individually or jointly,
show that for optimal techno-economic benefits, India and Pakistan
should move jointly on the project.
Indian officials do not agree with this assertion. While the land-based
pipeline is certainly cheaper than the underwater pipeline, the
economics of the two options alters considerably when security elements
are factored in. Thus, while Pakistan undoubtedly stands to gain
from a land-based route, for India both options have their merits
and India may prefer an Iran-India bilateral deal, with a few multinationals
making some money from the deal, to a trilateral venture involving
Pakistan.
Mr Raza cites a UNDP study to state that “the tariff cost of the
pipeline project could be reduced by about 26 percent by having
a joint pipeline for India and Pakistan as compared to having separate
pipelines. Recent gas discoveries in Pakistan have made it possible
for Pakistan to conveniently meet its gas demand for the next four
to five years but it is anticipated that Pakistan would be needing
imported gas by 2006-07. Even if the gas pipeline was designed to
meet the Indian demand only, the benefits to Pakistan would be substantial
in terms of transit fee, etc.”
Indeed, it is that “etc” which in the immediate future can matter
far more to Pakistan than the transit fees. It would include the
improved investment rating and credit-worthiness of Pakistan. Little
wonder that Mr Raza adds, “One of our major priorities should be
to remove such mistrusts (in India) and provide comfort to each
party if we are looking at a prosperous economic future for South
Asia and a win-win situation both for India and Pakistan. It should
be realised that a project of this magnitude will have its inbuilt
guarantees of security and will certainly provide for the mechanisms
to handle such concerns.”
With Iran and India moving ahead bilaterally, it is up to Pakistan
to take the required initiatives on the political front if it wants
to get into the game and derive the economic benefits of the pipeline
project.
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