The Government was perhaps too simplistic in proposing to get 15 bills passed; at any rate, it did not go for an in-depth discussion, jointly and severally, with the diversified opposition to assess the feasibility of safe passage (through trade-offs) for key legislation. (The last minute dinner-diplomacy was a perfunctory attempt).

Perhaps the government was lulled by the assurance held out by the Congress of supporting bills relating to economic reform. But the Congress surely could not be expected to isolate itself from other opposition parties, without appropriate appeasement: to start with, by withdrawing the name of Rajiv Gandhi from the Bofors chargesheet, but Vajpayee is averse to this.

The special role the Congress will play as the largest party in the opposition needs recognition; on specific issues it can align itself with certain opposition parties just as on some others, especially those relating toeconomic reform, it can support the government. This would not have become an intractable problem if the government had got its priorities right. Here precisely lies the rub.

It is no surprise that the Congress staged a walk-out in the Rajya Sabha on the Rajiv Gandhi issue. This means no bill requiring a Rajya Sabha majority will be passed unless Prime Minister Vajpayee yields ground. In the Lok Sabha, the left parties, the RJD and AIADMK (a Congress ally) walked out over the Insurance Regulatory Authority and Development Bill. The Congress remained in the house, but it is in no hurry to pull Vajpayee's chestnuts out of the fire. So, what is the Government's priority: chargesheeting Rajiv Gandhi or getting the insurance bill along WTO-related legislation passed? For now, the government seems flummoxed.

There is talk of making insurance reform a money bill as a way out: but surely that will be politically less than honest? The BJP alliance also seems to think it appropriate to get all economic legislationpassed in Lok Sabha (the coalition can ensure this) and leave it to the Congress in Rajya Sabha to do its worst: the argument being that the burden of stalling economic reform would then fall on the Congress; true, but how would that advance reform?

Holding together the coalition in power has been considered an end in itself so far; but this time round policy compromises will have to embrace parties in the opposition, notably the Congress - which has brought down two governments. Vajpayee will have to learn to live dangerously.