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crisis of 1997-98, when affected southeast Asian countries feared that their efforts to stimulate exports through devaluation might be thwarted by an offsetting devaluation of the Chinese currency. Beijing set these fears at rest. China’s decision to maintain exchange rate stability was hailed as a constructive contribution to withstanding the crisis. Of late, the exchange rate of the Chinese yuan has become a prominent item on the US-China diplomatic agenda. Facing huge deficits in the bilateral trade balance, Washington has been pressing Beijing to revalue its currency in order to narrow the deficit.
During the early years of its reforms, China was heavily dependent on the West for investment inflows and export markets. After the Chinese economy took off, the initial one-way dependence was transformed into mutual interdependence. China’s dependence on western markets came to be matched by the importance of its own domestic market for other trading nations. China’s success in attracting foreign investment meant that MNCs developed huge stakes in the Chinese economy. Indeed, China’s economic relations with the West are marked by rivalry, but these are now played out within parameters set by interdependence.
The big question is whether economic interdependence exercises a similar moderating influence on political conflicts. A feature of the current pattern of globalisation is that the largest trade and investment flows occur between major powers, in contrast to the colonial period pattern, with flows occurring mainly between major powers and their respective colonies. As a hypothesis, it may be postulated that the new pattern of globalisation tends to exercise a generally benign influence in relations between economically interdependent major powers.
Does the evidence support this hypothesis in China’s case? Many of China’s leading economic partners are also its principal political adversaries—notably, the US, Japan and Taiwan. The evidence suggests that the new economic interdependence has, indeed, helped to moderate tensions, but not—at least yet—to resolve basic political differences or reverse the overall trend of bilateral relations. Sino-US relations have improved and areas of constructive engagement have expanded. In areas like human rights, economic considerations have contributed to softening the US stand. However, Sino-US ties continue to be conditioned by an underlying long-term strategic competition. Differences persist over defence issues, including US military exports to Taiwan and its alliance with Japan. Similarly, economic considerations have soothed some irritants in Sino-Japanese relations, but Japan’s military role continues to arouse Chinese suspicions. In Taiwan, economic realities have...
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