that only politicians are involved in the control of cricket? Third, given the equal opportunity employment practices of the BCCI (only Congress or BJP politicians need apply), is there any hope for reform? Fourth, could IPL be a sophisticated Ponzi scheme which has yet to make any owner any money, and has made many of them considerably less wealthy? Fifth, consider this example of the workings of the BCCI. One of its most important branches, the Delhi District Cricket Association, received more revenue from sales of empty liquor bottles in 1998 than it spent on coaching. The BCCIís non-tax-paying NGO status was revoked only recently. But this politiciansí club is fighting attempts to peek into its expenses via the Right to Information Act.
In one sense, what I am asking for is another book from Astill. Having produced this superb analysis, yeh dil mange more. The rise of the emerging middle-class cricket player is the rise of India. And the lack of any checks and balances to the BCCIís fiefdom is matched by the lack of any checks and balances to the near-feudal albeit democratic set-up that is modern India. When will this turbulent wave subside?
Surjit S Bhalla is chairman, Oxus Investments, an emerging market advisory firm, and a senior adviser to Blufin, a leading financial information company.
He can be followed on Twitter, @surjitbhalla