Column Deadlocked on Doha

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the recent negotiations, especially through coalitions such as the G20, the G33, and the NAMA-11 group. But standing firm on its own does not make a WTO leader. The second and crucial step of political leadership in the WTO requires the courage and willingness to make some concessions, and to be able to return to one’s domestic constituencies with the reassurance that the package thus obtained will be of benefit to all members of society (with national policies of redistribution and welfare if necessary). Neither the key developed countries nor the major developing ones have demonstrated this second step of leadership so far.

For the developed world, particularly the EU and the US, ministers will need to mobilise the pro-trade lobbies at home that balance out against the protectionist lobbies on agriculture. By repeatedly referring to the Doha Development Agenda, political constituencies in the OECD countries have begun to see the round in terms of charity that they are bestowing on the developing world, as opposed to a round in their own interest. This is far from the truth. The gains from the DDA negotiations will benefit the developed countries as well as their developing counterparts. A recognition of this by politicians, and a successful delivery of this message to pro-trade interest groups and lobbies at home, will make it easier for the OECD governments to make concessions and conclude the round.

For the developing world too, the framing of the current round as the Doha Development Agenda has created a different set of problems. These take the form of excessive and unfair expectations from the round, and result in a lack of willingness to make any concessions until these expectations are met. Leaders from developing countries would benefit from taking a step back to specify their goals, and also identifying the concessions that they could feasibly make to the developed countries. To some extent, these goals and backup strategies will need to be negotiated with their allies in the different coalitions. Here, special mention must be made of the role that Brazil and India have acquired at the High Table of the negotiation process as part of the G4, the “Five Interested Parties”, or the “New Quad.” By mediating and coordinating the positions of various developing country coalitions, both Brazil and India could play a key role in facilitating a viable, inclusive, and legitimate agreement.