



: One year after 26/11, India’s external strategy looks to have been proved right by time, and its internal strategy seems to have improved, although it’s too early to vote for a paradigm shift. The external strategy was based on not responding to Pakistan-based Pakistanis’ attack in Mumbai with a show of state military force, but rather use coercive diplomacy. True, Pakistan’s response remains frustrating when compared to the ideal. True, too, as some Indian commentators say, American pressure on Pakistan hasn’t delivered the big prizes either. But this is an immature thesis. First, Pakistan was forced to do a lot more than it is accustomed to doing. Second, India will be making a big mistake if it wants America to get Pakistan to behave and change. Third, following from the first two and noting that some sort of democratic government in Pakistan is better than no democratic government, India needs to find ways to engage with less-dodgier parts of the Pakistani establishment. The internal strategy was based on India recognising that its security apparatus was seriously ineffective at many levels. That 12 months have passed since 26/11 without any terrorist outrage should not be taken as conclusive proof that internal security has dramatically changed. Certainly, local level policing doesn’t seem to have undergone a radical reform. Bigger reforms like more NSG hubs and hopefully better intelligence gathering and collation—there’s now the National Intelligence Agency—have had better reception. Undoubtedly there’s a Union home minister whose worst critic can’t complain about his determination to do things differently. Cooperation with US intelligence would seem to have improved. But domestic security is a big beast, in part because of the Centre-state dimension. Safe to say, therefore, that the first 26/11 anniversary isn’t seeing a complete overhaul, but safe to say, too, that unlike in the past, real work is in progress.
This anniversary should also be an occasion to highlight an aspect that all official security types seem to give little importance to, and the policymaking establishment buys that argument: India’s options vis-a-vis Pakistan get bigger if it offers, as by far the bigger economy, economic carrots. Yes, Islamabad is bloody minded about trade. But India can be generous, offer trade and other incentives. If we can to Pakistan, and we should, why can’t we talk economics? There’s nothing to lose if Pakistan doesn’t reciprocate. Plenty to gain if it does. Pakistan in part gets...
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