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M
G Ranade — the original swadeshi
A centennial tribute
to the father of Indian economics
P R Dubhashi
Mahadev Govind Ranade, whose death centenary is being observed
this year, is rightly looked upon as the “father of Indian
economics”. His viewpoint on theoretical approach and practical
policy lent special attributes to the study of economics in
India and influenced the thinking and contribution of subsequent
generations of economists. He was also, in the words of Prof
D G Karve, “the prophet of liberated India”. His writings
anticipated almost all the important elements of independent
India’s plans for economic development.
Ranade’s address on the Indian political
economy, delivered at the Deccan College, Pune, is rightly
looked upon as a landmark in the history of Indian economic
thought. He viewed economics as a part of the wider science
of society. He was the first to adopt a wider, more realistic,
sociological approach to economic science. Said Ranade, “in
politics and social sciences, time, place and circumstances,
the endowments and aptitudes of men, their habits and customs,
laws and institutions and their previous history have to be
taken into account.” Economic laws, therefore, do not have
absolute validity. They are neither universal nor immutable.
Ranade drew attention to the fact that even an English economist,
J S Mill, had recognised the essential distinction between
laws of production, which are universal, and laws of distribution,
which are not. Ranade rejected the concept of “economic man”
in as much as the pursuit of wealth is not the only goal of
a human being. Moreover, more powerful than the individual
and the competitive market environment are family customs,
traditions and social norms which influence individual behaviour.
Ranade highlighted the many invalid assumptions of competitive
environment. For instance, factors of production are not perfectly
mobile as assumed in economic theory. He also pointed out
that the non-English traditions of economic thoughts had greater
relevance to Indian conditions. He therefore cited the thoughts
and experiences of Germany, Italy, Netherlands and Hungary.
While the English thought was committed to free trade, the
non-English tradition supported aggressive economic policy
for guiding the course of the economy for the benefit of the
nation as a whole. The merits of free trade cannot be considered
in isolation. If there is unfair competition, there have to
be exceptions to the policy of free trade. If there are foreign
aggressive monopolistic influences and subsidised competition,
indigenous enterprise can be a victim. It then becomes necessary
for the State to provide support.
It is astonishing how relevant this analysis is in the age
of globalisation and to the modern day regime of the World
Trade Organisation as realised by the Indian delegation at
the recent Doha conference. The United States and European
Union successfully provided huge subsidies to their agriculture
while the plight of Indian small and marginal farmers and
the concept of food security were given a short shift. The
multinationals, with their wide influence, can easily overwhelm
the comparatively small Indian enterprises struggling to cope
with the world environment. But this advocate of swadeshi
did not have a narrow concept of swadeshi. He advocated the
use of modern machinery and welcomed foreign capital, leading
to being accused as a traitor to India by the newspaper Kesari,
edited by the fiery patriot Lokmanya Tilak.
Ranade was concerned about India’s deep and widespread poverty,
which became the principle concern of our five-year plans
fifty years after he left the scene. He attributed poverty
in India to dependence on a single source of livelihood viz
agriculture and that too, of the subsistence type, without
the support of proper infrastructure. His main policy recommendations
were therefore twofold — modernisation of agriculture and
industrialisation. He attributed the backward plight of the
agricultural economy to “a wretched system of credit and land
tenure.” He found that the availability of institutional rural
credit was non-existent. He, therefore, recommended the establishment
of rural cooperative unions somewhat on the Riffeisen model,
a concept which was further developed in other European countries.
He also suggested the establishment of a moneylender’s bank.
All the substantial moneylenders could pool their resources
to set up such banks.
Ranade underlined the importance of the manufacturing sector
in enhancing the economic status of a country and the standard
of living of its people. He pre-empted Mahatma Gandhi in noting
the negative role of the railways in killing local enterprise.
Railways were the instrument for taking raw material from
India to the ports for shipment to manufacturing enterprises
in Britain and distribution of the imported products of those
enterprises throughout the length and the breadth of the country.
He completely differed with the laissez faire approach to
promotion of Indian industry followed by the colonial government.
He felt that it was the State’s duty to play a pioneering
role in the industrialisation of the country. He therefore
suggested the establishment of a separate department of commerce
and industry. It shows the far sightedness of Ranade that
such a department came into existence at the centre after
the attainment of independence. Ranade specifically suggested
that government should undertake a survey of resources to
identify opportunities for industrialisation. Like agriculture,
industry too suffered from a lack of capital. Ranade suggested
that the government make available loans to industry at low
rates of interest. In order to create awareness about the
importance of industrialisation, he set up the Industrial
Association of Western India, which proved to be the harbinger
of chambers of commerce and industry.
Ranade offered a broad perspective of comprehensive and systematic
macro-economic policy in which the State should provide a
constructive lead in modernising economic and social life.
More specifically, he believed that the institution of property
should be modified for social end. He advocated a policy of
regulation and redistribution for promoting equity and social
justice. He also had immense faith in India’s economic potential,
observing that “natural attributes and aptitudes of our people,
unlimited resources, our marvelous situation as the emporium
of all Asia, these priceless advantages will secure success
for us if only we endeavour to deserve it by striving for
it.” Even today we seem to be lacking in our endeavour. Had
Ranade been alive today, he would perhaps have suggested ways
to overcome our weaknesses in public life.
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