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Join hands with US to fight medievalist Taliban
Chanakya
The American Bear is wounded. It is baying for the blood of
the Taliban that is giving shelter to Osama bin Laden, the
prime suspect behind the bombings. It is preparing for war.
It wants to bomb the suspected hideouts of bin Laden, smoke
him out and kill him. This might require precision bombing
from nearby, and the landing of troops to wage war with the
Taliban.
To prosecute this, it needs allies: allies in Arabia, Central
Asia, Pakistan and India. The Arab world is in jitters. Past
attempts by the United States to hunt bin Laden and his followers
were frustrated by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, the United Arab
Emirates and others, who fear that co-operation to the point
of capturing bin Laden would provoke rebellion from their
own populations who are festering with a sense of injustice.
But the US is in ill humour. It wants to know who its friends
are.
The Arab states must be desperately hoping that the crisis
would blow over, and better sense will prevail in America.
They are hoping that the US will realise that it is not going
to be a simple war with no risk to American life; and that
a solution lies in prevailing over Israel; and that its NATO
allies would persuade the US in favour of a more long-term
strategy that focuses on better intelligence gathering and
surgical, targeted elimination of terrorists through covert
means rather than open war.
So must Pakistan be hoping. Fear and greed must be gripping
Musharraf equally. On the one hand, he wants to use this God-sent
opportunity to get close to the US to restore the relationship
Pakistan had with the US in the past when it was fighting
the Soviet-backed regime in Afghanistan, when money and guns
were pumped in, and Pakistan could rely on the US to be its
ally while the Generals made money. And Musharaff wants to
come out of international isolation.
On the other hand, Musharraf knows that any war against the
Taliban and the killing of bin Laden would provoke civil war
in Pakistan. It is doubtful whether he would survive in such
strife. Musharraf, therefore, wants to take the US along for
a ride with sweet talk: he will say that Pakistan would co-operate
with the US in mounting air raids on the Taliban if it is
a mandated United Nations action, but hoping that the moment
for taking hard decisions will never come. One never knows:
time might heal wounds in America, and the fear of body bags
might hold back the determination to strike at the Taliban.
The current situation poses a dilemma for India too. We have
been the victims of the Taliban-inspired atrocities every
day in Kashmir. Despite the secular tradition of India, the
Taliban are driving a wedge and polarising sentiment in India
into communal lines by turning Kashmir into a communal issue.
It is in our interests—in the secular interests of India—to
see an end to this medievalist fundamentalist Taliban regime
of Afghanistan.
But supporting America poses risks. The Muslims in India will
misinterpret support for America as an act against them. They
will feel further alienated from the Indian nation, and become
prey to fundamentalist forces and harbour terrorism. Those
who are unhappy with globalisation and the threats it poses
to the poor will join forces and rip up peace on the streets.
How should we manage this? First of all, we should be clear
in our minds that we must fight the scourge of terrorism wherever
it occurs. India is the democracy it is today because we fought
imperialism through peaceful means under the leadership of
Gandhiji, rather than through militarist or terrorist means.
And terrorism kills innocent people. More immediately, we
are fighting terrorism in Kashmir. Innocent people are dying
every day. On grounds of our long-term interests, therefore,
we should effectively co-operate with the US in getting rid
of the Taliban, which is fundamentalist and visiting misery
on its women and the poor. The peace it brought to Afghanistan
is a peace of an oppressive religious order.
But in doing so, we must explain to our people the basis of
our co-operation with the US. We must show our resolve to
reinforce our secular traditions—that we are opposed to fundamentalism
of all kinds—be it Islamic or Hindu or Christian.
We should also explain that we are in a new international
context. The US sees us as a strategic ally in the new Century.
Unless we exploit this new willingness in the US to come close
to India, we will be left behind. Unless we bolster our position,
we will be a minor power in Asia, in which China holds hegemony.
And we must not allow Musharraf to sow the seeds of distance
between us and the US.
Helping the US effectively in this moment of their national
anguish not only shows that we are their friends as a democracy,
but it will enhance our bargaining power in economic relations.
We should learn to co-operate in areas where our interests
coincide, and bargain in areas where we have interests to
protect!
So let us go for it. Join hands with the US in fighting the
wretched Taliban!
(Chanakya is the pseudonym of the author, who is a distinguished
Indian political economist)
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