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Of rising perks and diminishing responsibilities
Kuldip
Nayar
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Kuldip
Nayar
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TWO
things have left me cold. One is the proposal by members of
Parliament (MPs) to raise their own emoluments, and the other
is the bungling in handling of relations between New Delhi
and the Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa. The two
are not connected, but show how impervious people are vis-a-vis
public opinion. Yet, however adverse, the assumption is that
criticism is a temporary phase that recedes with time. In
a way it does. But those who do not take this into account
go wrong. An unpopular reaction has a strange way of staying
deep in the minds of people and coming up during elections
or agitations.
The common perception is against the hike in salaries and
allowances of MPs. Most people think that representatives
of a poor country like India should live frugally. And since
there have been too many interruptions in Parliament, MPs
give the impression of putting in very little work. Even when
there was a hike in MPs’ emoluments in 1998, there was a lot
of hissing and howling.
The Atal Bihari Vajpayee Cabinet stalled a proposal for hike
last year because of the uproar throughout the country. The
outcry has not lessened but the government appears to have
been bludgeoned with the hike acceptance due to the pressure
from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the other constituents
of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The government
has another problem—support for the raise by 196 MPs in writing.
Horrified over the proposal, I requested one minister to oppose
this in the Cabinet. He said how could the government do anything
when the proposal had been signed by so many MPs belonging
to different political parties? “Even the comrades have signed
it,” he added with a chuckle.
It is not only the salary but every perk, down to water and
electricity, that has been upgraded. The raise works out to
Rs 70,000 per month. The burden on the exchequer will be Rs
5.6 crore a month, nearly Rs 68 crore annually. This amount
can facilitate every year the opening of 300 schools, 250
health centres and 500 drinking water wells.
The CPI(M) is probably the only political party which has
criticised the raise. It rightly says that this will vitiate
the atmosphere of austerity that is sought to be created in
the country. What surprises me is the silence of MPs who belong
to the RSS. They talk about the values and simplicity, but
when it comes to implementing them, they keep quiet. Only
one among them has circulated a letter to voice his opposition.
At a time when money is scarce for sustaining even the core
sector, and when many hands are being axed in the public and
private sectors due to a fall in earnings, the huge increase
in the emoluments of MPs sends a wrong signal. One argument
being advanced is that hikes in the past have not been adequate.
This is a subjective way of looking at things. What is adequate
can never be defined. What this boils down to is that the
amount of pressure on the organised sector can build up. MPs
have the clout and can use it. And then there may be a chain
reaction.
Members in the state legislatures, corporations, municipal
committees and such other bodies will also ask for a hike
as it happened when the emoluments of MPs were raised last
time. Civil servants, who have been roundly criticised for
abnormal salaries after the Fifth Pay Commission, may point
out that MPs have beaten them hollow. They may justify another
round of raise on the ground that the salaries and allowances
of MPs have been substantially hiked in less than three years.
I was amused to read in the Report of the Joint Committee
on Salaries the rationale for the hike. One reason given is:
“Members of Parliament are a group of people committed to
serving the cause of a wider cross section of the community
with a missionary zeal as opposed to taking it as a profession.”
In a letter to the Rajya Sabha chairman this May, I expressed
my dismay over repeated disruptions of the session and requested
for deduction of my daily allowance. The Rajya Sabha accepted
my plea and deducted my allowance for five days. I wrote to
the Prime Minister to help me establish the principle: No
work, no pay. The reaction of some MPs was that such a step
would not restore order in the House.
I agree. But if MPs were to know that their daily allowance
would be deducted in case the House was disturbed, there is
every possibility that they would ensure quiet transaction
of business. At least, they should stop disturbing the House
henceforth. If they don’t, they shall not be paid the daily
allowance. The Rajya Sabha has accepted this in principle.
Members only have to inform the Secretariat.
There is also a case for downgrading perks, allowances and
salaries of ministers. Mahatma Gandhi had proposed a salary
of Rs 500 a month for them. The rupee has depreciated since.
Still what they are getting at present is enormous. He had
outlined for them the role of trustees who should be a model
of simple living and ensure that the nation’s wealth was utilised
only for the people’s good.
Another depressing development is the manner in which the
Jayalalithaa episode has been handled. She should have been
dismissed the night she sent the police to arrest Union ministers
Murasoli Maran and TR Baalu.
It was illegal and challenged the Centre’s authority in the
federal polity. Ms Jayalalithaa might have a bone to pick
with her predecessor, M Karunanidhi, but there was no case
against Mr Maran except that he is Mr Karunanidhi’s close
relative. I believe that the President of India was in favour
of dismissing Ms Jayalalithaa. Earlier, the Vajpayee Cabinet
has the same viewpoint. Only foreign minster Jaswant Singh
was opposed to taking any harsh action.
But he won the day. It was not a soft approach but surrender
which has made her more defiant. New Delhi could have dismissed
her on the charges of illegally arresting the central ministers.
It dithered. The position is far from satisfactory. New Delhi’s
authority is yet to be established.
Once Ms Jayalalithaa was off the hook, she turned down the
Centre’s request to relieve the three IPS officers, reportedly
responsible for beating up Mr Karunanidhi. Constitutionally,
she is on a strong wicket.
No IAS or IPS officer can be transferred from their cadre
without that state’s permission. She was right in saying:
“In a federal set-up, the state is not subservient to the
Centre.” Now the question is: where does the authority of
New Delhi end and the states’ begin?
There can be no doubting the Centre’s authority. No polity,
federal or unitary, can exist without the Centre being the
focal point. This is what New Delhi has failed to put across.
The home ministry should have done some hard thinking on this.
By leaving the situation where it is, it has only confounded
the issue. This is not good for the country in the long run.
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