It is, therefore, difficult for those living in India to believe that a situation can so develop that a government starts discriminating rather than dispensing. This is what is happening in certain parts of quake-hit Gujarat.

It was expected the state would be more solicitous and come down heavily on those who discriminated while distributing relief. But there has been no action against those who displayed bias.

Stories emanating from Gujarat do not make happy reading. The criteria for distribution of relief is said to have been caste, creed and religion. High caste Patels have reportedly not allowed relief vehicles to reach many places because people living there belonged to the lower castes whom, the Patels describe as "disease-ridden people."

A non-government organisation (NGO), after touring affected areas in Rajkot, Surendranagar and Jamnagar, said that cases of "class discrimination" in relief distribution were "assuming alarming proportions." Dalits in Rajpur are bitter because they believe that the Thakkars and Jains, belonging to the upper castes, have "got everything they required."

Some areas where Muslims live have been purposely left without any relief or rehabilitation work. The discrimination has been open. The media has complained about it. Some newspapers even cited examples, alleging how RSS and VHP activists had "hijacked" relief supplies in the Kutch area.

Muzamil Jaleel, covering the quake for his multi-edition English daily, too, was a victim this anti-Muslim bias. A state BJP leader publicly criticised him for his "anti-national" reports. One of his stories was on the protest demonstration by minorities against discrimination in distribution of relief aid. This was reported by other papers as well. But Jaleel was harassed so much that his paper had to tell his tale on its front page and point out how he felt handicapped while performing his duty.

That VHP's demand to reject Vatican aid has gone uncondemned by BJP indicates the extent to which this prejudice is being allowed to be injected into the body politic of the state. Why is the voice of Archbishop Cyril Mas Baselles the only one of protest? Why was the foreign office silent when VHP insulted the Pope? What about the BJP high command? It is prickly enough to pounce on the President if he disagrees with its thinking on the Constitution or other matters. But when it comes to foreign dignitaries, the party does not show any sensitivity.

Apparently, there is some truth in allegations of discrimination. Certain things have gone wrong. Otherwise, senior leaders like VP Singh and IK Gujral, both former Prime Ministers, wouldn't have urged Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to ensure that relief material is distributed in a fair manner. Both Delhi and Ahmedabad are conspicuous by their silence. Had they even mentioned that there were complaints which would be looked into, the odium of bias would not have stuck to them.

During the super-cyclone in Orissa 15 months ago, there was not a single complaint of prejudice based on caste or creed. The state was clueless and bungled all the way during the relief and rehabilitation operation, but none said that such and such locality had been left out because it had of Muslims or Dalits living there.

"We are poor and that has made the Centre differentiate between our state and Gujarat," an MP from Orissa complained to me. Another MP from the same state pointed out that Orissa did not get "its due" because at the time of the cyclone it was under Congress rule, and could not, therefore, expect "generous help" from the BJP-led coalition at the Centre.Both charges may not be fully correct but there is a grain of truth in them.

In Orissa, New Delhi woke up late and initially did not give as much importance as the calamity deserved. Yet the state government cannot be absolved of the blame. There was tardy distribution of relief material and mapping out the rehabilitation programme. There is, however, no doubt that the worst sufferers of the cyclone were the have-nots. In contrast, most of quake victims are the haves. That may be one of the reasons why the cyclone disappeared from TV screens quickly while the quake continues to draw attention.New Delhi did not dwaddle over foreign assistance when it came to Gujarat.

In fact, it sent fervent appeals-Mr Vajpayee also made a statement-to outsiders to send aid and lifted all restrictions and tariffs on it. Why didn't Orissa get the same access? New Delhi did not straightaway allow foreign aid. Subsequently, after several days, its policy was still ambiguous-it allowed assistance but did not admit that it was coming. In fact, there is still no firm policy on foreign assistance at the time of disasters. Why should there be reluctance to accept relief when it is beyond our resources? We, too, with our limited means, have sent relief to the victims of earthquakes and other tragedies outside the country.

And, as usual, New Delhi has taken advantage of the devastation. The surcharge of 2 per cent on income tax is nothing short of that. An earning of Rs 1,200 crore from the surcharge is a drop in the ocean. Why start taxing piecemeal when the Budget, which will propose different taxes, is only a few days away? The government has not yet made clear whether or not taxpayers who have suffered in the Gujarat earthquake would have to pay the surcharge.

There should be transparency in the relief aid collected from within India and abroad. There has to be some way to let the public know how much was collected and how was it distributed. This, in particular, applies to the Prime Minister's Relief Fund. Probably, it is audited, but that is not enough. A detailed status of receipts and expenditure should be presented to both Houses.

Adversity often brings out the best or worst in human beings. There are many such examples in Gujarat. It is a pity that the government has ruined its image by introducing politics into a tragedy that has engulfed all, irrespective of religion or status.